Verifying a statewide election could be this easy and cheap.

Photo: Michigan election officials assess the results of a manual count of a sample of ballots for a risk-limiting audit in 2018. Photo credit: Berkeley Institute for Data Science, UC-Berkeley


Think of “risk-limiting audits” as low-effort exit polls.

Exit polls determine who won by asking randomly selected voters “Who did you vote for?” Risk-limiting audits work on the same principle to confirm the correct winners, but they skip the sidewalk conversations and phone calls.

Instead, they pose the question directly to randomly selected paper ballots.

Either way, a small sample can provide statistical proof of who really won the election, independently of the vote-counting computers.

No one in Wisconsin now does risk-limiting audits. Sometimes local officials spot-check a few randomly selected voting machines, but those efforts do not ensure that any outcome-altering miscounts will be detected and corrected before preliminary election results are made final. Risk-limiting audits do.

There’s no one correct way to do a risk-limiting audit. Our election officials could sample individual ballots (less work) or entire polling places (more work). They could do nothing more than confirm the correct winner in one race (less work) or they could answer other questions at the same time (more work).

A risk-limiting audit of a statewide election in Wisconsin could be this easy and cheap:

1) After they close the polls on Election Night, poll workers would record how many ballots they seal into each bag. Using this information, the municipal clerk would create a “ballot manifest” (e.g., City of Abbotsford: Bag #1 – 234 ballots; Bag #2 – 122 ballots).

It’s unlikely anyone has ever counted, but a fair guess is that a big election produces around 4,750-5,000 sealed ballot bags statewide. One bag can contain a maximum of around 300 ballots but might contain fewer than 10.

2) The day after the election, every municipal clerk would send their ballot manifest to the Wisconsin Elections Commission. The WEC could create an online reporting form to make this task easy and quick. It wouldn’t need bullet-proof security if the municipal clerk also mailed a hard copy of the manifest to WEC, and WEC staff later verified them against each other.

3) The WEC would then assign a number to every ballot in the state. For example, ballot numbers 1-234 would be assigned to the first bag from the City of Abbotsford; numbers 235-356 to the second bag, all the way up to the last bag from the Town of Yuba, which might be assigned the numbers 2,673,149 – 2,673,308.

4) WEC staff would examine the preliminary election results for the statewide races and enter the results for the closest race into a statistical tool that has been endorsed by the American Statistical Association, tested, and used in other states. This would generate a sample size for the audit.

The size of the sample depends upon the Election-Night margin of victory. If the margin is large or normal, the sample size will be small. For example, the 2018 contest for the US Senate was neither close nor a landslide: 55.4% to 44.5%. A risk-limiting audit of that race would have needed an initial sample size of only 401 ballots across the entire state. However, officials could choose to select a larger sample to provide voters with ’emotional’ confidence in addition to statistical confidence.

An extremely close election such as the 2018 Governor’s race (49.5% to 48.4%) would have needed an initial sample of 37,841 ballots (out of almost 2.7 million cast). But it’s these races that officials legitimately need to be most careful about, and it’s the very close races that, when left unaudited, provoke the most candidate resentment and voter suspicion.

Wisconsin election officials have already demonstrated they can handle larger sample sizes. For comparison, the voting-machine spot-checks conducted after the November 2018 election required officials to count votes from 135,712 ballots — more than 3.5 times the number of ballots they would have needed for a risk-limiting audit. But because of the way WEC selected that sample and their instructions that auditors ignore voter intent, that effort did not confirm the correct winner in any race.

Wisconsin election officials counted 135,712 ballots in the random voting-machine spot-checks after the November 2018 election, but used a method that did not confirm the winner in any race.
A risk-limiting audit of the same election would likely have verified the correct winners in the statewide races with only 37,841 ballots.

And because races from the same ballot (as those two races were) do not need separate samples, a risk-limiting audit could have verified all the statewide contests on the ballot in that election–an accomplishment of enormous value to election security and voter confidence.

5) WEC would randomly select ballot numbers and then use the statewide ballot manifest to identify the bag in which each of the selected ballots is stored. For example, if ballot #284 turned up in the random sample, the WEC would know it is in the second bag from the City of Abbotsford. If the random selection turned up ballot #2,673,193, they would know it is in the last bag from the Town of Yuba.

6) At this point, WEC could ignore the hypothetical numbers they assigned to each ballot and tell the municipal clerks only the number of ballots to be randomly selected from each bag.
For example, the WEC would tell the City of Abbotsford clerk to randomly select one ballot from the second bag. The instructions for random selection could be something like: “In the presence of observers, pull the ballots out of the bag, set them in a stack on the table, let an observer from each political party cut the stack several times like a deck of cards, cut the stack two more times, and select the ballot at the bottom of the last cut.”
Other methods could be prescribed for jurisdictions that use machines that print flimsier forms of paper ballots.

7) The municipal clerk would display the selected ballot to the observers; fax it to the WEC; mark it with red ink indicating it was the ballot selected for the audit; put it on the top of the stack of ballots; and reseal the bag.

8) The WEC would conduct a publicly observed manual count of the faxed ballots and enter the results of that count into the standard risk-limiting audit formulas. If the proportion of votes for the Election-Night winner in the manual count is close enough to the proportion reported on Election Night, the result is confirmed. The audit would be concluded and the county canvasses could conduct their certification process as normal.

If the proportion of votes for the Election-Night winner differed too much, an additional sample would be drawn and counted. That process would be repeated until statistical confidence in a winner was established.
The WEC would need to adopt policies to govern what will happen in the rare event that the sample has to be expanded more than twice, or if the confidence level declines as the sample is enlarged. Likely, WEC would stop the audit, declare a lack of confidence in the preliminary Election-Night results, and order a full recount on its own initiative.

Other states’ election officials think their voters’ right to self-government through secure elections is worth at least that much time and effort.

If you think Wisconsin elections are worth the effort it takes to conduct a genuine risk-limiting audit, contact your county clerk and the Wisconsin Elections Commission to tell them so.

Wisconsin’s Election Security Council sees the gorilla.

The first meeting of the Wisconsin Elections Commission’s new Election Security Council was both reassuring and scary.

First, the good news. I’m genuinely not sure whether WEC created the council more to promote belief in security or to promote security itself. But whatever WEC’s intention, the members of the new council are there to promote security.

They uniformly exhibited a desire for actual security. Understandably, they showed some legitimate interest in appearances, but their primary concern seemed to be for real security.

Hang on to that idea as I describe the bad news. I do think intention matters.

The second piece of good news is that the members did not seem to share—even slightly—WEC’s hesitance to include voters on the council. (See note at the end of this post.)

A bit of background: the state election agency’s longstanding attitude toward citizen participation is not normal. After 30 years working as a state bureaucrat in three agencies and auditing dozens of others for the legislature, I know “normal.” Even agencies running unpopular programs like septic-tank regulation or state-forest timber harvest seek citizen participation as a routine matter of course.

In contrast, the WEC runs a popular function—people like elections—and yet they hide under their desks when someone mentions voter participation. I’ve never understood why; it makes no sense. I sincerely think that, overall, their objectives are in line with those of the voters.

Fortunately, the council members know normal. When WEC administrator Meagan Wolfe asked whether they wanted to add voter representatives to the council, the members’ brief discussion can be summarized: “Well, duh.”

The representative from the Wisconsin Counties Association, whose name I didn’t catch, pointed out that legislative advisory councils routinely include representatives from citizen groups. Then, after Wolfe said she would bring a detailed proposal for selecting voter representatives to the next meeting, Governor Evers’ representative, Jenny Dye, said that would be too late. The council’s work was “already short on public input,” she said, and it wouldn’t do to have the public members miss the first two meetings. WEC agreed to work out the details and get voters’ representatives to the table by the council’s December meeting.

Okay, now the bad news.

The level of naivete in the room was frightening. Among the utterances that made me shudder:

  • In the limited discussion of specific threats to election security, I heard reference only to external hackers. I detected no awareness that insider corruption (e.g., a rogue employee of a voting-machine company) is the single greatest threat to vote-counting security—one that our election clerks have no reliable defense against. When a representative from the Wisconsin Statewide Intelligence Center listed the threats to look for, he described only external threats. Later, WEC Assistant Administrator Richard Rydecki explained to me that was because external threats are the only ones WSIC has noticed. Well … yes … that is why the other threats are more serious. Wisconsin officials don’t have any way to detect unauthorized remote-control software in the county election-management computers or dicey Serbian programmers working for Dominion.
  • Hearing Mike Davis from the League of Wisconsin Municipalities open his question with “I don’t know much about elections administration, but…” Yikes! Municipalities run Wisconsin’s elections! (On the other hand: his ‘but…’ led into a question about what we do with our paper ballots—displaying that he has good intuitive sense about how we could be securing our elections from that rogue programmer or service technician.)

Ignorance doesn’t have to be a problem. No one was born knowing this stuff. They can learn.

However, WEC’s conduct of the meeting gave me some concern that the council members might not get the education they need.

Put it this way: If you convened a new council to get advice on election security, how would you have opened the first meeting? If it had been me, I would have started by describing the basic elements of a secure election system. Then, I would have given the council a quick overview of Wisconsin’s strengths and weaknesses vis-a-vis these elements–which are covered, and where are the weak spots or holes?

Instead, WEC staff presented a rosy overview of all the good things. When they were done, I’m guessing some council members were wondering why they were there, given that things are already as good as can be.

Wolfe wasn’t making stuff up–a lot of good security measures are already working. She was leaving stuff out—specifically, stuff relating to voting machines.

One fact is critical to understanding election security: Two separate systems must be secured. (See the chart below). These two systems have practically no overlap. They have different creators and different owners. They operate on different computers, managed by different agencies. They face different threats and require different safeguards.

WisVote–the voter-registration system–is secure, thanks to the good, hard work of the state elections agency. I wouldn’t trade our voter-registration system for any other in the nation.

Security for the vote-tabulation system–that is, our voting machines–is closer to an honor system.

Yet Wolfe danced over the tabulation system so lightly I’m not even sure she said the words “voting machine.” For example, one of her Powerpoint slides listed the steps in an “End-to-end Election Administration System.” The list went right from “prepare the poll lists” to “report results to the State.” I wonder whether any of the council members noticed the missing step: “Count the votes.”

I’ve seen this tunnel-vision focus on WisVote security from WEC staff many times before. Whenever they are asked about “election security” (with or without specific reference to voting machines), they respond by describing safeguards that protect only the WisVote system. Dozens of reporters have failed to notice.

But for some reason, I didn’t expect it to be on full display in the meeting today. Perhaps I was thinking that creating an advisory council was something like going to a therapist. You want help, right? So be honest about the problems that bring you there.

(Spoiler alert. If you’ve never taken the selective perception test where you watch a brief video and count the number of times a white-shirted team passes a basketball, do that before reading further. I don’t want to spoil anyone’s opportunity to experience this phenomenon firsthand.)

I’m not a mind reader and so cannot say how much of this relentless tunnel vision on WisVote security is strategic, and how much stems from the fact that tabulation-system security is simply not the WEC’s job.

But as I listened, I started to see WisVote as WEC’s white-shirted basketball team. They are so intently focused on it—absolutely, fully engrossed—that they cannot see the gorilla that is the tabulation system.

Here’s my best hope, and I think it’s a real possibility: I think this council might be able to provide WEC staff with more guidance and education than they realize they need.

After WEC staff had shared all the lovely information about WisVote security, they turned the microphone over to the council members. They asked each member to say a few words about their organization and describe how they see their role in election security over time.

The county clerks went first—and promptly ignored the instructions. Instead, they immediately started to talk about voting-machine security and the fact that they are not getting the IT support they need. Then the League of Municipalities representative popped in with his question about the role of paper ballots in securing election results.

The WEC staff may not see the gorilla, but it was the first and only thing council members wanted to talk about.

In summary, this seems like a good bunch of sensible people. In addition, on my way out, I had a quick but solid discussion with Rydecki about some nuts-and-bolts details regarding the sort of risk-limiting audits that could work to secure Wisconsin election results.

So progress is underway, and I’m okay with that.

* * *

NOTE: After reading this blog post in mid-November, Assistant Administrator Richard Rydecki reached out to explain what had appeared to me to be WEC’s hesitance to include members of the voting public on the new Election Security Council. Our conversation was easy and pleasant and provides a window into WEC’s thinking about its various stakeholders.

The idea to form such a council is not new. In early 2019, the WEC created its first election-security advisory committee, limiting membership to county and municipal clerks. So in March, both Wisconsin Election Integrity and the League of Women Voters of Wisconsin publicly urged the WEC to seek election-security advice from additional stakeholders. We suggested that they either expand that committee to include public representatives (particularly those with security expertise), or to form a separate election-security advisory group with broader membership.

I cannot speak for the LWV-WI, but WEI received no response. If the WEC gave the proposal even momentary consideration, it was quickly forgotten. Rydecki made no mention of it when he explained that the idea for this new election-security advisory council arose in June, in discussion among government officials at a Department of Homeland Security training exercise.

Apparently, the officials who proposed its creation did not mention anything at the time about public members. Nevertheless, Rydecki said, WEC staff did consider how public input might be handled. Some clerks “were not terribly enthused” about having public members on the Council and might not have agreed to participate if public members were included.

One option, according to Rydecki, was that officials’ trepidation might be accommodated by allowing a short period for public comment at the beginning of each meeting, as the Elections Commission itself does.

But ‘professional courtesy’ required WEC staff to refrain from making a ‘unilateral decision’ on how or whether anyone who is not a government official would participate. So WEC formed the council exclusively with government officials and then presented it with the question of how or whether it would have public participation.

I’ll let the reader decide whether that information supports or contradicts the observations I made, above, about WEC’s attitude about citizen participation.

Contact Senators NOW about election security

A coalition of national pro-democracy groups is calling for a national day of action for election security. Wisconsin voters need to respond. On or before Tuesday, Sept. 17 contact our two senators to let them know Americans deserve secure elections! Important legislation is stalled in the US Senate, and the senators need to MOVE.

Here is Ron Johnson’s contact page. Ask him to support election security action and to pressure Mitch McConnell to allow votes on the election-security legislation passed by the House.
Here is Tammy Baldwin’s contact page. Thank her for supporting election-security legislation.

Wisconsin has paper ballots, but our election results are not secure. Our county clerks do not use those paper ballots to verify the Election-Night results before they certify the final results. Several other states don’t even have paper ballots. That threatens us all.

The risks are real. Evidence is overwhelming. In 2016, Russian operatives hacked and probed American political campaigns and voter registration systems. But Russia isn’t the only problem–maybe not even the worst. Why would it be? American elections are an attractive target for many around the world and in our own country.  Hackers in China and Iran are showing interest and have launched thousands of attacks not just in the U.S., but in 26 countries, according to Microsoft, which has been helping detect and deter attacks for democracy-supporting organizations of all stripes. 

Many in the US Congress appreciate the need for REAL election security–and NOW. The House of Representatives has passed federal legislation that would make it possible for every state to have:
1) A voter-verified paper ballot for every vote; and
2) Robust ​manual​ election​ ​audits that detect and correct any false outcomes before election results are declared final.

But the US Senate isn’t working.

The House passed $600 million (in H.R. 3351) in election security funding for states and localities to use to secure our vote. While Republicans and Democrats had different proposals, nearly every representative in both parties voted to designated hundreds of millions of dollars for election security. Now it’s time for the Senate to write and pass its funding proposal.

But Mitch McConnell said. “I’m not going to do that.” He and his obedient cronies are blocking the legislation that would allow the states to protect our federal elections in 2020.

Every single U.S. Senator must stand up for democracy now. The Senate must pass funding for election security. They must include the House bill language so that the counties that are the most vulnerable are able to get the funds they need to secure our elections for all. 

The House voted to provide the states with funding for:

  • Paper Records: Every voter can ​​mark​ ​a paper​ ​ballot​ by hand or with an assistive device and verify their vote, so that there is a paper record of every vote cast.
  • Checking the Results: Officials subject ​machine-counted​ ​results​​ to​ a robust ​manual​ ​post-election​ ​audit,​ that can detect and correct false outcomes.
  • Secure Voter Data: Voter databases should be backed up offline, monitored and secured using best practices. Poll workers should be trained to ensure that voters can cast a vote in case of a hack or error.
  • Election websites and election management systems, as well as the vendors themselves also need to be more secure and resilient in the face of possible hacking attempts and computer error. 

FAQ

Q: To what extent can Mitch McConnell hold up the funding?
McConnell can fully block the funding if he wants to. But his spokesperson recently said they have not ruled out an appropriation for election security so national election-security advovates believe there is an opening. At the end of September the government must be funded so the Senate either must pass appropriations bills or agree to a continuing resolution with the House leadership. In either case, $600 million in election security funding for states and localities can and should be included.

Q: Isn’t this a federal mandate on state elections? 
States and localities have been pleading for funding from Congress for years now, and every state wants to be able to secure its elections. The House passed a strong bill with $600 million requiring the funding be spent on the areas of greatest vulnerabilities.

Q: The states got $380 million for election security in 2018 and they haven’t spent it all. Shouldn’t we wait until should spend it before getting more money.
States and counties are spending down the funds, they expect to spend 85% of the funds by the 2020 election. But in too many places it wasn’t enough to do a lot of the serious work. We want them to proceed quickly, but carefully so they actually are able to use the funds to make our elections more secure.

Q: My election official says the voting machines are not connected to the internet, how can they be hacked?
Sadly, our local election officials cannot promise that–they simply cannot know. They don’t have control over the security of the voting-machine manufacturers, where the software is developed. Election officials have no way to know whether those companies’ computers are on or off line. And if the software has been compromised before it even reaches the local officials, it doesn’t matter whether the local clerk keeps it secure.

In addition, it’s just not true that the voting machines are never connected to the internet. Local election officials often don’t understand what the voting machines are doing when they transmit results on Election Night. Almost all of our voting machines and the county elections computers use the internet during pre-election tests and then again for election-night reporting of the results. And on top of that, national cybersecurity sleuths recently found that nine Wisconsin counties had left their county elections computers on line continuously for as much as a year!

Q: We already have paper ballots, what do we need this funding for?
Paper ballots are only decorative if no one ever uses them to verify the voting machines’ accuracy. As things now stand, after a Wisconsin voter casts his or her ballot, chances are it will never be looked at again. It will be sealed up on Election Night and will stay sealed until it is destroyed two years later. In the meantime, the voting-machine tape will be assumed to be correct.

Unless the paper ballots are used in rigorous post-election audits comparing the votes on the paper with the numbers the machine reported, we can’t know for sure if the outcome of the election was correct.

The one huge hole in Wisconsin’s election security is that our officials do not routinely audit the results. The state elections agency could use this money to fund efforts to develop practical, reliable audit practices that fit with Wisconsin’s unique election-administration practices.

About those Russians…

In the past two weeks, three reporters have asked me to comment on Russian interference in US elections. Do I believe the Russians interfered with the 2016 election? Do I think they will try in 2020? And my least favorite: Do I think Russians are the worst threat to the voting machines?

I’ll answer the ‘worst’ question first: What the hell does it matter?  All threats are threats. Will it be a boring news story if our election is stolen by a Canadian anarchist living in his grandmother’s basement, or by a random computer glitch?

I’ll tell you what the worst threat is. It’s the threat that is literally the sum total of all other threats. Wisconsin county clerks are STILL not using the only safeguard effective against every voting-machine threat including the Russians: Using our paper ballots in prompt, routine, hand-counted audits that verify the correct winners.

The simple truth should be obvious. It is ridiculous to allow any computers to make any big decision unless you have a reliable way to detect and correct serious computer errors.  

Can you think of any other government agency that relies on computers and doesn’t have some way to notice if the computer screws up a big operation? No, you cannot. There isn’t one. Only election officials trust their computers that blindly, and demand our trust, too.

When Wisconsin’s county clerks declare election results final without verifying the correct winners, they are allowing computer programmers to pick the candidates who will govern us.1 They don’t supervise these programmers. They don’t know even know who or where they are.2

As to the other questions:  I don’t know whether the Russians or anyone else tampered with the voting machines in 2016 and 2018. No one does.

We don’t know because Wisconsin election officials didn’t check. 3 How is that not scandal enough?

Wisconsin’s election officials just seal our paper ballots on Election Night and leave them sealed until it’s time to destroy them two years later. No one ever knows if the paper ballots tell a different story than the computer tapes.

And I don’t know whether Russian criminals are planning to mess with the voting machines in 2020. I know that it is wise to assume they are. Most importantly, I know it will be criminally negligent if our county clerks make no effort to detect and correct any hacks that might get by the security system.

Call your Wisconsin County Clerk today and say: “Surely you understand that you cannot guarantee the security of our voting machines. Too much is outside your control. The only thing you can secure is the election results, and you can do that only by using our paper ballots in hand-counted audits during the county canvass to make sure you certify only the correct winners. Get busy now on developing audit procedures for the 2020 elections.”

– – –

1 A few Wisconsin county officials claim they “program their own voting machines” and imply that provides security. They don’t, and it doesn’t.
The county clerks ‘program’ the machines only in the sense that you ‘program’ a new cell phone with your personal address book and settings. If any are messing with the actual tabulation software, they are breaking federal law. Truth is, these county officials rely on the voting-machine company in the same way you rely on Samsung, Apple, or Nokia.

2 Example: In 2016, election-security advocates noticed that Dominion—the nation’s second-largest voting machine company, which counts many Wisconsin votes—was recruiting programmers in Serbia. The company’s official response was: “Like many of America’s largest technology companies, which develop some of the software for their products in places like Asia, India, Ireland and the Mideast, some of our software development is undertaken outside the U.S. and Canada, specifically, in Serbia, where we have conducted operations for 10 years.”

3 In the 2016 recount, half of Wisconsin’s presidential votes were “recounted” only by running the ballots back through voting machines programmed by the same people who programmed them for Election Day. These were the ballots in the state’s largest counties (except Dane)–the counties most at risk of hacking.
In the half that was hand-recounted, the recount found that more than 1 in every 170 votes had originally been miscounted. These errors were not deliberate and affected both major-party candidates equally. As a result, they did not change the outcome and the news media didn’t report it.
But notice this: even when that many votes had been miscountedup to 30% in some individual wardscounty clerks did not notice it in their regular canvass. They detected the incorrect vote totals only when forced to check their work with a recount. Unless our county clerks adopt routine audits, the same will happen when hackers put the Election-Night results outside Wisconsin’s microscopic recount threshold (0.25%). There won’t be a recount and the hackers will have successfully pulled off their crime.

Jump on this chance to improve Wisconsin election security!

Friday, March 30, 2018 – In defense of our right to self-government, please contact the Wisconsin Elections Commission in the next few days to tell them: Include routine election auditing in Wisconsin’s application for federal election-security funding.

Chances like this don’t come along very often. Congress sits on its hands for years, ignores problems, messes around, and then–when an issue is hot–throws some money at the states and says “Spend it quick!”

When that happens, states need to be able to grab the money and spend it on something worthwhile.

That is just what has happened with election security. Voters have been warning, shouting, complaining, and worrying for years about the dangers of poorly managed election technology, and then all of a sudden Congress awoke and leapt out of bed. (Thank you, Vladimir!) Last Friday, Congress passed a federal budget bill that includes $380 million for grants to the states for improving election security.*

Just short of $7 million of that is earmarked for Wisconsin–pending the Wisconsin Elections Commission’s submission of a plan for spending it.

Thirteen states should definitely spend their money to replace unauditable voting machines–the kind that don’t use or create a paper record of each ballot. But that’s not Wisconsin’s problem. Paperless vote-counting computers have always been illegal here.

Wisconsin’s big election-security hole–where we lag most other states–is not that our elections are unauditable. Wisconsin elections are simply unaudited.

Wisconsin is in relatively good shape on most other aspects of election security. The WEC has done a good job with those systems they control, which are the voter-registration system and the ‘canvass reporting system,’ the automated system that counties use to report results they have already counted and certified. In addition to having respectable security, both these systems also have effective backup in case of manipulation or failure. With same-day registration at the polls, hackers have to ask themselves how much effort they are going to waste deleting Wisconsin voters’ registrations when we will be able immediately to vote anyway, with only about five minutes’ re-registration inconvenience. And the canvass reporting system kicks in only after our votes have already been counted in the polling places and municipal clerks’ offices. Any hacking of that would be easily detectable and reversible, even without a serious audit effort.

But Wisconsin has no more security for our voting machines than any other state that uses paper ballots, and a paper trail is merely decorative if the ballots are sealed on Election Night and never seen again.

Our elections’ biggest unprotected vulnerability is that our county boards of canvass make a habit of declaring election results final without lifting a finger to check to see whether the vote-counting computers counted our votes correctly. That practice is justifiably illegal in 25 states (26 if you count D.C.) and contrary to every national election authority’s recommendation.

The practical solution: Wisconsin law provides county election officials with paper ballots and allows them to check accuracy before they certify, but they choose not to. The problem isn’t time or money. Wisconsin’s county clerks have as much time for the canvass as their counterparts in states that do audit, and modern election-audit methods are so efficient they could almost be funded from petty cash.

So we can only guess why our county officials continue to force us to trust our franchise to unaudited computer output–something they wouldn’t tolerate for a millisecond from their banks and ATMs. My best guess is that they’ve been allowed to ignore that basic managerial responsibility for so long that they fear they will find a host of problems when they start to look. Look at the panic this county official exhibited as she refused an observer’s request for verification during the 2016 recount. That level of distress looks to me like she knew the machines’ unreliability would be revealed if she allowed verification, so she refused to hand count “even five ballots.” And she was right: the machines were, in fact, miscounting and were later decertified by the Wisconsin Elections Commission.

What voters need to do: 
Contact the WEC and tell them that you want them to include funding for routine audits during the county canvass in Wisconsin’s federal grant application. WEC staff are up to date on national election-administration trends, and I believe they understand the need for, and practicality of, routine election audits. In addition, I sense that WEC Commissioners are favorably disposed to effective election audits and will do the right thing if enough citizens express interest and support.  

You can:

  • Tweet to @WI_Elections to say that you want to see county election audits in the application for federal funding;
  • Email Chair Mark Thomsen and Administrator Meagan Wolfe at elections@wi.gov. 
  • Snail-mail them at Wisconsin Elections Commission,  P.O. Box 7984, Madison, Wisconsin 53707-7984, with copies to U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 1335 East West Highway, Suite 4300, Silver Spring, MD 20910, and to Jill Lau, Chair, Wisconsin County Clerks Association, 421 Nebraska St, Sturgeon Bay, Wisconsin  54235.

If you want to do more, you can use these web-contact forms to tell Senator BaldwinSenator Johnson, and the US Election Assistance Commission that they, too, should encourage the WEC to seek funds for election auditing in Wisconsin.

Also, please, tell other voters about this so that they, too, can weigh in for election audits. The WEC hardly ever gets any citizen input on election security issues, and they will definitely sit up and take notice if they get a lot now. So go for it!

—-

* It would be unfair to accuse every member of Congress of inaction. Wisconsin’s very own Mark Pocan introduced an excellent elections-security bill, the Secure America’s Future Elections (SAFE) Act a year ago. As other representatives wake up to the issue, it’s still collecting new co-sponsors. If you live outside Wisconsin’s Second Congressional District, contact your congressperson today and ask them to sign on. If  you live in Rep. Pocan’s district, tell him “Thank you!”